Apr 10, 2003 | Dollars & Crosses
Iraqi Kanan Makiya spoke at the American Enterprise Institute yesterday, telling how the CIA is apparently continuing to undermine the Iraqi opposition:
At the same American Enterprise Institute event yesterday, a former CIA officer, Reuel Marc Gerecht,referred to efforts by the CIA and the State Department to "derail" the leader of the Iraqi National Congress, Ahmad Chalabi. He said the State Department and the CIA have an inclination toward Sunni Muslims. Mr. Chalabi is a Shiite Muslim, as is the Iraqi fighter involved in the incident at Amara. [New York Sun, 4/9/03]
You can read the story of this interesting fighter, Abu Hattam, in the Sun article. Reuters describes the latest CIA efforts to derail Chalabi, and what he's up to as well:
The opposition Iraqi National Congress said on Tuesday leaders from across southern Iraq flocked to the town of Nassiriya to greet its leader Ahmad Chalabi, but a CIA report said he and other returning exiles would find little support among Iraqis...Francis Brooke, a close adviser to the opposition leader, said local Iraqi leaders had brought requests for Chalabi to mediate with the U.S. military authorities on matters such as power supplies and people held as prisoners of war. "We have been receiving delegation upon delegation. We don't have time to meet them all. We are inundated," Brooke told Reuters in a telephone interview from Nassiriya. [Reuters, 4/8/03]
Robert Kagan makes the same line sound more reasonable:
[S]ome Bush officials may want to support the political fortunes of people they have known and trusted for many years, such as Ahmed Chalabi. It's understandable, but it's a mistake. Chalabi is undoubtedly a good man. While in exile, he labored long and hard against Saddam Hussein. If he can now muster genuine support in Iraq, through his own exertions, then the world should wish him well. But the United States must not give him a leg up over other potential leaders, and especially those who may now begin emerging from within Iraq. As Paul Wolfowitz put it last Sunday, "You can't talk about democracy and then turn around and say we're going to pick the leaders of this democratic country." Exactly right, so the United States shouldn't help Chalabi or anyone else position himself as Iraq's Charles de Gaulle in the waning days of the war. If it ever starts to look as if the United States fought a war in Iraq in order to put Chalabi in power, President Bush's great success will be measurably discredited. [Washington Post, 4/8/03]
Now this, to put it bluntly, is rubbish. It springs from the premise that we're not allowed to have any selfish interests in this war, that we're doing it "for the Iraqi people." If Bush really wants to win this war, it's this premise he has to reject. If we have an interest in Iraq's postwar government, it's that it be a free country, not a "democratic" one. The idea that we should leave Iraq alone to vote itself into Islamic fundamentalism is absurd. And the idea that we should care what other people or other countries think is equally absurd. As the New Republic puts it (while agreeing with Kagan):
[I]t seems like a Chalabi government might pose a public relations problem for the United States even if he manages to win the job by his own accord. After all, given Chalabi's long association with several American policymakers, and the fact that we basically airlifted him and other top INC officials into Southern Iraq during the closing days of the war, isn't it going to be nearly impossible to avoid the perception that we helped install him atop the Iraqi government, even if we make no effort to do that from here on out? ON THE OTHER HAND... Given that the United States almost single-handedly liberated the country, and that it's the U.S. which will be the major force behind its reconstruction, it's probably inevitable that whoever ends up leading postwar Iraq will face the perception that they were installed by the United States. [New Republic Online, 4/9/03]
All this nonsense comes from seeking legitimacy in some mystical, indefinable "will of the people" whose purity will somehow be besmirched if we have any influence on the outcome. The "will of the people" be damned--the people have no right to vote away other people's rights, and Iraq has no right to be governed by a government that allows that to happen. Any other considerations of "who rules" are secondary to that.Apr 10, 2003 | Dollars & Crosses
Here's Chip Joyce at About the War:
Ten days ago to the day I wrote,
I will guess that the regime will collapse within ten days from today by assassinations prior to a ground invasion of Baghdad. Before that we will see escalated missile and air attacks of sites within Baghdad; Iraqi forces will assault coalition forces on the outskirts of the city, in a desperate last effort; there will be limited chemical attacks that will be mainly futile; coalition troops' response will be stupefying; and eventually, a few high-ranking military officers within Baghdad will acknowledge imminent defeat and turn coat. They will assist our special forces, who are already in Baghdad, in terminating the regime.
There wasn't any chemical attack to date, but the rest of my prediction was pretty accurate. So far my April 9th prediction looks amazingly accurate: Saddam and sons might be dead, the cities are in coalition control, the army is disunited at best, and the Iraqi people are celebrating. Time will tell, of course. How about that?! Remember that I called the starting date of the war almost perfectly--just two days off. [About the War, 4/9/03]
Apr 10, 2003 | Dollars & Crosses
Dr. Yaron Brook, executive director of the Ayn Rand Institute, will appear on Fox News Channel's continuing war coverage at 12 midnight, Pacific time, Thursday/Friday April 10/11. Dr. Brook will discuss why Iran should be our next target in the war against Muslim fundamentalists. Check your local listing for times in your area.
Related Reading: Iran, Not So Far AwayApr 10, 2003 | Dollars & Crosses
The New York Sun's Seth Lipsky today reviews Fareed Zakaria's book The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad. Zakaria is editor of the international edition of Newsweek, and former managing editor of Foreign Affairs; I have it from good sources that he's a source of excellent commentary about the Middle East. Lipsky writes:
It is not an argument against democracy. "Overwhelmingly it has had wonderful consequences," he writes, but he is concerned with democracy's "dark sides," with the fact that democracy doesn't automatically equate with freedom or sensible government...Mr. Zakaria is nervous about democracy in the Middle East in general. He opens his chapter called "The Islamic Exception" with a vignette of how President Mubarak of Egypt rebuffs America's entreaties to be more democratic. "If I were to do what you ask, Islamic fundamentalists will take over Egypt," Mr. Mubarak likes to say. "Is that what you want?" Mr. Zakaria doesn't seem inclined to challenge the Egyptian martinet. He does manage to avoid other common mistakes...That said, I finished the book admiring Mr. Zakaria's reprise nonetheless. What its author is making is essentially a plea for republicanism, for constitutionalism, for checks on majority rule, and for moderation--all things that the best of conservatives and liberals favor. [New York Sun, 4/9/03]
But you can't argue for any of these things unless you define freedom--and particularly, decisively refute the misconception that democracy is freedom. And you can't do that properly unless you have a concept of individual rights, and understand its foundation in reality. Does Zakaria do these things? If he does, Lipsky doesn't mention it--which argues that Lipsky, at least, does not appreciate their significance.
A report in Lipsky's own paper today (picked up from the Daily Telegraph) wonders how it will be possible to return to the rule of law in Iraq when for so long literal gangsters have been running the country. It's a good question. There is no avoiding the fact that freedom and self-government require a commitment to objectivity. If the law can't be enforced impartially, it becomes just another tool of tribal warfare. Then it's anarchy followed by another dictatorship when the strongest thugs win.
In this regard, Iraqi Kanan Makiya has an interesting entry in his war diary concerning federalism:
The Transition to Democracy report produced for the London conference of the Iraqi opposition in December 2002 proposed that federalism in Iraq be understood as an extension of the principle of the separation of powers--only this time power is being divided instead of separated. Federalism is from this point of view the thin end of the wedge of Iraqi democracy. It is the first step towards a state system resting on the principle that the rights of the part, or the minority, should never be sacrificed to the will of the majority--be that part defined as a single individual or a whole collectivity of individuals who speak another language and have their own culture. Yet this redefinition alone will not redress the mistake of Michel Aflaq, which led to Saddam Hussein's butchery. If the constituent parts of the new Iraqi federation are defined ethnically, we will revert back to the deadly logic of "nationalism is [ethnic] love before anything else." ...The idea must be to have complete freedom of movement, of people and capital, and of property rights, regardless of the region in which one chooses to settle. [New Republic Online, 4/7/03]
He even thinks the idea of Iraq as an Arab state should be reconsidered. One can only applaud this rejection of nationalism and hope that it catches on across the Arab world.Apr 9, 2003 | Dollars & Crosses
Yahoo! News reports that hundreds of Iraqi children were released from prison:Around 150 children spilled out of the jail after the gates were opened as a US military Humvee vehicle approached, Lieutenant Colonel Fred Padilla told an AFP correspondent travelling with the Marines 5th Regiment. "Hundreds of kids were swarming us and kissing us," Padilla said. "There were parents running up, so happy to have their kids back." "The children had been imprisoned because they had not joined the youth branch of the Baath party," he alleged. "Some of these kids had been in there for five years." The children, who were wearing threadbare clothes and looked under-nourished, walked on the streets crossing their hands as if to mimic handcuffs, before giving the thumbs up sign and shouting their thanks.
[Read this story about a similar incident in Castro's Cuba.]
Apr 9, 2003 | Dollars & Crosses
Previously I mentioned Leonard Peikoff's position that we shouldn't be in Iraq to liberate it--he mentioned that those people had never been through the Enlightenment and if given a democracy would just vote themselves into Islamic fundamentalism. I mentioned I was not entirely convinced, though I have read elsewhere that Iraq's literacy rate is 58%. Then yesterday came this message from Sylvia Bokor, who gave me her permission to post it:
On "60 Minutes" last night I listened to part of a discussion on rebuilding Iraq after the war. It was mentioned that a new kind of government would be set up. It was not said what kind of government. How much will rebuilding cost? Billions.
I do not like the idea of our spending huge sums of taxpayer money on rebuilding other countries. If we were going to install a constitutional, representative republic that protected and enforced individual rights, that promoted and ensured laissez-faire capitalism, that would be great. It would be a step toward Pax Americana.
But given what's been said and done already in the conduct of this war, I shudder to think what a lot of that hard-earned money will go for--even though the world's two best countries will run the show. There will be rake-offs, graft and corruption. Less, surely, than if the UN runs the rebuilding. But still there will be a tremendous waste of money. Plus, the kind of government installed will be based on a moral code as collectivist as its past--no matter whether it's run by Muslims or Christians, no matter what its form.
It does not make sense to spend money and manpower rebuilding a country that never reached a level of civilization that leads toward the possibilities indicated by Ancient Greece. I can see rebuilding Germany and Japan. Culturally, both of those nations had a good understanding of the importance of productivity if not of the individual, despite each country's descent into fascism. But the Iraqis? The ones who really care about creating values and making money have emigrated.
If any such are still in Iraq, then they can rebuild what they want, and pay for it themselves. They have oil fields and there are many men who want to become involved in the country's politics. Some opine that terrorism will return if we just walk away. It will anyway so long as collectivism is operative. It's far better to use our money on us. Reduce taxes, raise military pay and have a strong defense policy. Stomp down hard and swiftly on terrorism the minute it appears. This approach would maintain our peace and security. Present plans will not.
Fair enough. And Blair and Bush are even going all wobbly on the United Nations:
George W. Bush and Tony Blair on Tuesday endorsed a "vital role" for the United Nations when fighting ends, but their plans may fall short of European desires...[Bush] added: "Rebuilding of Iraq will require the support and expertise of the international community. We are committed to working with international institutions, including the United Nations, which will have a vital role to play in this task." Pressed on what precisely the U.N. role would be, however, Bush mentioned only humanitarian work, "suggesting" people to staff the interim authority and helping Iraq "progress." He did not spell out how much power the United Nations would have...In a joint written statement, Bush and Blair pledged to seek U.N. Security Council resolutions to affirm Iraq's territorial integrity, ensure aid delivery and endorse an appropriate post- conflict administration for Iraq. [Reuters, 4/8/03]
Given that the US provides a quarter of the UN budget, it's still largely our money going to these "humanitarian" projects. If there's one thing Americans should be absolutely militant about, it's keeping the UN out of Iraq and getting America out of the UN.